Colonized colonialists—alternative colonialism

: Traditionally, the history of modern Egypt is a process of trying to get rid of the rule of the Ottoman Empire and British colonial rule, and striving to seek independence. Muhammad Ali was the founder of modern Egypt. Through a series of reforms, Egypt became a regional power in a short period of time. Among them, the remarkable results of military reform made Egypt a strong guarantee for outward expansion. For example, Egypt's conquest of Sudan discussed in this article was an important part of Egypt's expansion. Sudan has had close exchanges with Egypt since ancient times. In modern times, Sudan has become a colony of Egypt and Britain. The history of Egypt as a colony and resistance to colonial rule in modern times often makes people ignore the history of Egypt's colonization of Sudan, that is, the role of a colonized person becoming a colonizer. This complex role is precisely embedded in Egypt, Sudan, and the United Kingdom. This means that Egypt's colonization of Sudan is not a one-way process. It must not only legalize the occupation of Sudan, but also get rid of the illegal British colonial rule. In other words, Egypt hopes to obtain the right to rule in Sudan to demonstrate Egypt's Holistic and opposed to the historical status quo of Britain's separation of Egypt, Arab cultural scholars were the first to make this call.


Introduction
Egypt is located in a land of three continents and five seas.After the opening of the Suez Canal, it connected the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean, affecting Britain's key interests in the Far East.Egypt was a key link in Britain's colonial plans in Africa and the Middle East.During the period of Muhammad Ali, Egypt had relatively independent autonomy.Later successors gradually lost their reforms and strengthened their dependence on Europe.In 1882, the British occupied Egypt.This article focuses on exploring whether when Egypt was in independent status or when it was a colony, the domestic intellectual class maintained a consistent view on the possession of Sudan, that is, Sudan was a part of Egypt.

Why Egypt was given a dual role
Since April this year, armed conflicts have broken out in Sudan, and the country has fallen into a new round of turmoil.As a nation-state under construction, the legacy of modern Egyptian and British colonial rule is still one of the sources of social unrest in Sudan today.Egypt carried out a series of colonial conquests in Sudan during the period of Muhammad Ali.Before the British colonial occupation of Egypt in 1882, Egypt had occupied Sudan for more than 60 years.In 1898, Britain again colonized Sudan until 1956.Recently, "A Different Shade of Colonialism Egypt, Great Britain, and the Mastery of the Sudan" by Eve M. Trout Powell in Chinese Edition was released, a detailed exploration of Egypt's imperial rule in Sudan as a colonized colonialist.From the perspective of colonialism and postcolonialism, the Western world is the subject of colonial expansion, while the Eastern world passively becomes a colony.The dual role of Egypt described by the author breaks the traditional understanding to a certain extent and is thought-provoking.
The author begins by criticizing and drawing on traditional academic viewpoints in order to break people's traditional belief that colonies lack agency, and further believes that Egypt's colonization of Sudan is an act of imperialism to a certain extent.First of all, the author discusses the relationship between Egypt, Britain and Sudan: What I want to study is not the relationship between the colonial country and the colonized country under the Manichean dualism, but a more complex relationship, that is, the colonial country comes from on both continents, the colonized country also hopes to become a colonial country, and this colonized country must not only adopt British methods and follow the political traditions of the Turks, but also make the Sudanese region a part of Egypt as defined by the true Egyptians.Immediately afterwards, the author also upholds a critical attitude towards Edward Sayid's "Orientalism".The author believes that Sayid fell into the trap of "us" and "them", borrowing Aijaz Ahmed's to counter this, Latin America and India also had such clear divisions when it came to the Eastern stereotypes outlined by Western colonial rule.In addition, the author criticizes Said's research in two aspects: first, Egyptians suffered silently; second, specifically in the Sudanese region and even Africa, many Egyptians did not participate in the related stereotypes and imaginary discourses, and this kind of discourse goes hand in hand with the imagination of Eastern scholars. [1]rawing on ideas from Timothy Mitchell's "Colonizing Egypt", the author believes that Egypt, as a colonized country, has colonialist tendencies and that the West is not the source of colonialism.Finally, the author uses linguistics and semiotics to explain the underlying racism in Egyptian nationalism, and further criticizes Benedict Anderson's "Imagined Communities" for regarding European nationalism as the beginning of racism.
Therefore, the whole book is composed of two lines, light and dark.The light line narrates the process of Egypt's colonial conquest of Sudan as a colonized colonizer.The hidden line is to use the image of the Sudanese Other by Egyptian nationalists to deepen the understanding of Sudan as an Egyptian colony, promote the awakening of Egyptian national consciousness, express the independence and integrity of Egypt, and promote Egypt's resistance to British colonial rule.The two lines are intertwined, and the author strives to break the research paradigm of colonial traditions and interpret this alternative colonialism.
The first chapter is titled From Fantasy to Colony, which mainly describes the exploration and conquest activities in the Sudan during the period of Muhammad Ali.The literary works and experiences of four upper-class Egyptians, Tahtawi and Ali Mubarak, reflect Egypt's understanding of Sudan.Although they were sent to Sudan for different reasons, they all held ignorant and barbaric views of Sudan, implying that Sudan needed to be colonized by Egypt to fulfill its "civilization mission".When analyzing Ali Mubarak's book "Alam al-Din", the author believes that the protagonist of the book advocates bringing advanced technology to Africa to help Africans enter civilization. [2]Although the author did not make it clear that Muhammad Ali's colonization of Sudan was the rule of imperialism, he hinted that the impact of the Ali dynasty by sending the four mentioned above to carry out various activities in Sudan was essentially imperial rule.These dispatchers' descriptions of Sudan's stereotyped and black images hid the racial superiority of Egyptians over Sudanese people, and implanted them into Egyptian concepts, which intensified with the development of Egyptian nationalism.
In chronological order, Chapter 2 tells the story that during the Ismail period, Egypt continued to advance along the path of Westernization, building large-scale public projects, such as building a modern Cairo, building the Suez Canal, etc., insisting on integrating Egypt into Europe.In addition, while consolidating the rule of the Sudan, Egypt also launched a war against the Kingdom of Abyssinia in 1869 and was ultimately defeated.Due to the mismanagement and financial overdraft of Ismail's government, Egypt declared bankruptcy in 1876.Britain and France established independent committees in Egypt to implement dual control over Egypt.Subsequently, the Orabi Revolution broke out in Egypt, and the Mahdi Uprising broke out in the Sudan.In 1882, the British took the opportunity to occupy Egypt, and Egypt became a British colony.Since then, although Egypt's rule in the Sudan has collapsed, Egypt's imperial image has been formed in the nationalist consciousness, and Sudan has become an inseparable part of Egypt.The title Black Servants and Saviors: Inside the Egyptian Empire is intended to highlight the image of empire in the minds of Egyptian nationalists.Likewise, the author continues to reveal the Sudan as seen by nationalists through an analysis of the works of Jacob Sanua and Abdudi Nadeem, scholars of the Arab cultural renaissance of this period.In the play, Jacob Sanua describes the Sudanese people's skin color, accent, and traditional slave status to draw a border with Egypt, while also trying to exclude the Turks and British from their place in Egypt.Abdudi Nadeem, like Jacob Sanua, despised the British.He believes that the civilization consciousness of the East is based on Islamic teachings, and Egyptian patriots have the responsibility to abide by Islamic teachings. [3]Regarding the attitude towards Sudanese slaves, Nadeem believed that these people needed to be educated and restrained to protect themselves from the harm of ignorant Sudanese people.
Chapters 3 and 4 jointly describe the failed outcome of Egypt's colonial rule in Sudan from the 1870s to the beginning of the 20th century and the Egyptian slave issue in Sudan.Chapter three is titled Contradictory Life Experiences: Ibrahim Fawzi's Narrative of the Sudanese Region.As the deputy of the British-appointed Governor Gordon of Sudan, Fawzi was captured for fourteen years when the Mahdi besieged Khartoum in 1885, and was finally rescued by the British.Fawzi's ambivalence is reflected in two aspects.One is that as a witness of Egypt's conquest of Sudan, Sudan once belonged to Egypt.In the end, it was not his motherland that rescued him, but the British army that became the colonizer of Egypt and Sudan.The second is the ambivalence of being a nationalist.In his book"The Sudan under Gordon and Kitchene", he showed his close relationship with Gordon to demonstrate the objectivity and truth of his narrative.Sexual, and showed anger and dissatisfaction with Britain for not recognizing Egypt's ownership of Sudan.Furthermore, Fawzi believed that imperial activities could unify backward societies under colonial rule and "civilize" them. [4]As the slave issue in Sudan became the focus of British attention, Egypt's attitude towards Sudanese slaves became one of the important topics discussed by Egyptian nationalists.After Ismail signed the Anglo-Egyptian Slave Trade Agreement with Britain in 1877, Britain aimed to push Egypt to abolish the possession and plunder of Sudanese slaves.Abdel Dinham believes that slavery is part of the history of relations between Egypt and Sudan, and that the British did not participate in this debate and should not participate in it.The slave trade between Egypt and Sudan has existed since ancient times.Egypt has the right to handle it on its own, and Britain does not need to intervene in the affairs of the Sudan as a bystander.Britain's control of Egypt and Sudan blocked Egypt's occupation of Sudan.Egyptian nationalists' hatred of British colonialism deepened, which constitutes the main content of Chapter 4.
Chapter 5 is entitled Egyptians with Black Faces: Revolution and Popular Culture (from World War I to 1925).This chapter mainly draws on the work of Egyptian nationalists such as Huda Shaarawi and Saad Zaglu.Le and others formed resistance and political demands against British colonial rule at the social level.Both Shaarawi and Zaghlul were keen to promote the unification of the Nile Valley, a vision that was as important as Egypt's independence, especially after the 1919 revolution.For example, Shalawi believes that it is not historical colonialism that connects the Sudanese region to Egypt. [5]Since then, although Egypt's domestic voice for Sudan has never diminished, under the strong British colonial rule, Egypt completely lost the opportunity to intervene in Sudan's affairs after 1924.The conclusion of Chapter Six echoes the beginning of the article.Through the analysis of the cartoons of Sudanese slave girls in the "Collection", the complex triangular relationship between Egypt, Britain and Sudan as colonizers and colonized people is revealed.

Egypt in the Postmodern Narrative
When this book explores the triangular relationship between Egypt, Britain, and Sudan, it strives to shape Egypt's role as a "colonized colonizer" through a large number of literary works.This inevitably causes a shift in the center of historical facts and strengthens Egypt's role as a "colonized colonizer."

Egypt becomes the core of the three-ring role
Its own initiative in colonial expansion weakened Britain's image of colonial oppression and imperial ambition among these three parties.The neglect of Egypt's tragic ending as a colony and the Egyptian people's desire to get rid of the heavy British colonial oppression were transformed into the process of Egypt's colonization of Sudan.Although the author strives to break the one-sidedness of Said's Eastern "me" and "other", he also constructs a binary opposition between me "Egypt" and the other "Sudan" in the discussion, introducing Egypt to the colonialists.The ranks of the people, which undoubtedly fall into the idealistic image.

The process of colonization of Sudan
Eve M. Treate Powell was deeply influenced by the Blessing, Derida, and Wittgenstein, abandoning the style of modernist "meta -narrative", combined historical research and literature, and through text language and comic images Analysis to get the narrative results you want to achieve.This postmodernist narrative style essentially brings highly fragmented historical facts, narrative and language are the first, and the objectiveness of history is behind.For example, on the one hand, the Egyptian nationalist Rica Takka, Ali Mubarak, Muhammad Abdul, Mustafa Camille, Lutfi Said and Huda Salam The continuous analysis of Victoria and other people to confirm its theme -Egypt is a colonial colonialist.On the other hand, it has infinitely expanded Egyptian expansion.In the later period of Ismel's rule, Egypt's bankruptcy due to financial problems, gradually losing his right to speak, and could not deal with the Sudan issue.He could only listen to the UK.In 1899, after Britain and Egypt conquered Sudan, they announced the common control of "Sudan".The two signed an agreement to jointly manage the majority of territories, but in fact Britain controlled Sudan. [6]As the background of the text, the 19th century Britain as the leader of the world hegemony, with absolute control of the world colonies.The article is lightly avoided, and the British empire expansion is not mentioned at all, focusing on the focus of triangular relations to Egypt.In addition, before the British ended Osman's sovereignty over Egypt in 1914 and announced that it was a British protection country, Egypt and Sudan both existed as a province of the empire, which would inevitably ignore the influence of Ottoman Turkey in Egypt and Sudan.

Egypt in Egyptian Nationalist Narratives
The Arab Renaissance Movement (Nahda) is a complex humanistic movement.It is not just a simple Western impact-a passive and reflective cultural movement from the East, but a product of the combination of local development and foreign ideas.Its evolution process has penetrated into all aspects of politics and society in the modern Arab region.As far as 19th-century Egypt was concerned, Tahtawi was undoubtedly the leader of this movement.

Pioneer of Arab cultural renaissance
Tatawi lived and worked during a happy historical interlude, when religious tensions between Islam and Christianity were easing and had not yet been replaced by new political tensions between East and West.Egypt was still in a relatively independent position, and he believed that Europe's progress was the result of patriotism, such as the French's love for their motherland.Patriotism thus represented a source of progress and strength and was a means of bridging the civilizational gap between Arabs and Europeans.In Paris, Tahtawi elaborates on the idea that the earth is made up of countries with their own special characteristics, and that the people of each country have a special connection with it.He translated the French word patrie as watan and spoke of love for the motherland and patriotism for the country.In the 1850s, Tahtawi helped lay the foundation for a new literary genre -patriotic poetry.He believed that love for the motherland is the obligation of all people and mentioned the prophet's tradition that "love for the motherland is a kind of faith."

Tahtawi's understanding of the country
In his book about Egyptian society, "The Path of the Egyptian Thought in Contemporary Literary Pleasures", he argued that love for the motherland is second only to the love of God, which became a recurring refrain in one of the poems: "It is natural for civilized people, after God, that they love their country, a gift from the Giver, glory be to the gracious Giver.For him, patriotism is at the core of a person, In order to cultivate the public's patriotic consciousness, it is necessary to reform traditional education.At the same time, education can also improve a person's virtue, and virtue can create wealth.Therefore, the popularization and strengthening of patriotic consciousness can realize the renaissance of Islamic civilization beyond Western civilization.Albert Hourani believes that the boundaries of Tahtawi's patriotism are limited to Egypt.When he talks about patriotism, he does not mean that all Arabic speakers have this kind of feeling, but refers to those who lived on the land of Egypt.For him, Egypt was a place of distinction and historical continuity.Therefore he was called the "Father of Egyptian Nationalism".At that time In Egyptian society, this strong patriotic national identity has not yet formed an effective synergy, but it has influenced a group of intellectuals to a certain extent, such as his students at the translation school and other new generations of Nadawi.The national consciousness of the Egyptians Gradually, Egypt entered the "age of awakening" of modern nationalism.

The objective historical outcome of British colonial rule
From 1821 to 1885, most of the Sudan regions were under the rule of Turkey-Egypt, not that the author described only a single rule in the Egyptian empire.

British conquest of Sudan
From 1820-1821, Mohammed Ali swallowed Sudan Egypt and completed under the leadership of his grandson Hediff Esmel.During this period, it mainly ruled northern Sudan.In administrative management, most senior officials and officers in Sudan served from the Ottoman Empire, not Egypt.Therefore, when the Machdi Uprising in June 1881, its main enemy was the Turks, not Egypt. [7]In the 1970s and 1980s, Western capitalist countries successively entered the stage of imperial rule to accelerate the division of Africa continent.Sudan slavery has become an opportunity for Britain to intervene in Egypt and Sudan affairs.During this period, Britain's abolition of African slavery was both the need to cater to domestic political rule, but also to prevent France from controlling the Nile River Basin.When the British colonists' conquest to the Sudan, they are also known as the "civilized mission" by Western scholars, and are a lofty cause to help the Sultan people who have the rule of incompetence in incompetence.In January 1885, when Gordon was surrounded by Khatoumou, he was regarded as an idol by many compatriots and became a symbol of "Christian soldiers, martyrs and saints".(Same as above) In the text, the ugly "civilized mission" was naturally transplanted to Egypt and was crowned "colonial colonists".
Not only that, the full text of this book is covering British Empire's ruling actions.After the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, Egypt's importance to the British Empire increased.The Suez Canal is not only essential to Britain's commercial trade, but also connects its huge colonial network in the world.Egypt's strategic importance has made Britain seriously considering the problem of preventing other powers from ruling Egypt.After the British occupied Egypt in 1882, the British Liberal Government under the leadership of William Evat Gryston announced that its purpose was to restore Hediff's power.Once the order of Egypt and the maintenance of Hediff's authority resumed, Britain will immediately withdraw troops to withdraw troops immediately Essence But in 1885, when the Conservative Party re -controlled the leadership of Lord Solzberg, Gradonon's advance withdrawal policy was replaced by the delayed withdrawal policy.The goal of Solzburi was to rebelly rebellion of the Mahdi uprising, causing Sultan under the rule of the British Empire.In 1898, Horamo Herbert Kigana's military operation in Sudan suppressed the Mahdi uprising.The United Kingdom believes that the source of the Niles can ensure that Egypt can be controlled.Conservative leader Patrick William Downs emphasized this.He told the British House of Unit: Whoever mastered the upper reaches of the Nile River, who has mastered Egypt.When the British flag rises in the Sudan, we not only ensure our status in Egypt, but also assume the responsibility of civilization and good government in the vast regions we cannot ignore.As long as we keep the Sudan and we must keep it, we cannot leave Egypt, even if Egypt is no longer a pad to India. [8]

Egypt should not be part of the perpetrators of British colonial rule
It can be seen that Egypt should not be named the title of colonial colonialist.The Western academic community has long been unable to qualify Egypt's series of conquest activities in the Muhammad Ali period, especially the nature of conquering the Sudan region.In 1882, after the British occupied Egypt, the seeking independence and unity of Egyptian nationalists was a call for the instinct of the colonial people.As British colonial compression intensified, Egyptian nationalism also increased.The author just uses the unified voices of the Egyptian nationalist to determine the nature of the Nile River Basin to determine the nature of Egypt's conquest of Sudan is imperialism.Egypt is a colonial colonialist.This is undoubtedly a political conspiracy.The way of seeking innovation is a catastrophic cognition of the colonial people regardless of the consequences.

Conclusions
The colonialists who were colonized were subjectively shaped by the author.Although a large amount of literary materials were used and efforts were made to construct a new research paradigm, the role of the intellectual class during this period was limited.They could neither represent the will of the country nor there is a strong appeal and this dual role player should not be forced on Egypt.